Collaborating Authors: Bee Gunn, Wayne Law, George Yatskievych, Wu Sugong, Fang Zhendong, Ma Jian, Wang Yuhua, Andrew Willson, Peng Shengjing, Zhang Chuanling, Sun Hongyan, Meng Zhengui, Liu Lin, Senam Dorji, Ana, Liqing Wangcuo, Sila Cili, Adu, Naji, Amu, Sila Cimu, Sila Lamu, Lurong Pingding, Zhima Yongzong, Loangbao, Bianma Cimu, Gerong Cili, Wang Kai, Sila Pingchu, Axima, and Benjamin Staver. Tibetan land use near Khawa Karpo, Northwest Yunnan, China, incorporates indigenous forest management, gathering, pastoralism, and agriculture. With field-based GIS, repeat photography, and Participatory Rural Appraisal we quantitatively compare land use between higher and lower villages, and between villages with and without roads. Households in higher elevation (>3,000 meters) villages cultivate more farmland (z = −5.387, P ≤ 0.001), a greater diversity of major crops (z = −5.760, P < 0.001), a higher percentage of traditional crops, and fewer cash crops (z = −2.430, P = 0.015) than those in lower elevation villages (<2,500 meters). Villages with roads grow significantly more cash crops (z = −6.794, P ≤ 0.001). Both lower villages and villages with roads travel farther to access common property resources. Historical analyses indicate agricultural intensification in valleys, an increase in houses, new crop introduction, hillside aforestation, cessation of hunting, glacial retreat, and timber-line advance within the past century. We suggest that Tibetan land use reveals trade-offs between high, remote villages and lower villages near roads. Higher villages offer abundant land and access to natural resources but short growing seasons and little market access; in contrast, lower villages have road and market access, an extended growing season, and modern technology, but limited access to land and many other natural resources.

Neurological and mental health disorders are extremely debilitating, and sufferers in developing countries often rely on traditional practitioners for these medical needs. Few studies have focused on botanical remedies used in this context, although these offer interesting treatment alternatives. The present study investigated plant use for the treatment of neurological and mental health disorders by Q'eqchi' Maya healers of southern Belize. We found that these healers generally recognize and treat epilepsy/seizures, headache, madness, fright (susto), depression, numbness, insomnia, and stress with herbal remedies. Quantitative analyses showed that there is selection for the use of certain species and botanical families, namely for species of the Pteridophyta division and for plants from the Piperaceae family. This study denotes the importance and selectivity of plant use by Q'eqchi' healers of southern Belize for the treatment of neurological and mental conditions and points to a possible underrepresentation of these disorders in the ethnobotanical literature.

Data from carbonized wood remains from five late prehistoric sites (A.D. 1300–1530) in the Upper Mantaro Valley, Peru, are presented. The wood assemblage recovered is diverse. We illustrate and describe the twelve main morpho-types, one of which is more than likely to have been imported from the eastern slopes of the Andean mountains into the Mantaro Valley. The Inka conquest of the area created a change in socio-political power and also brought about a shift in the way wood species were utilized. From the Wanka II to the Inka occupations we find an increase in the Buddleja, Polylepis, Alnus, and Colletia morpho-types; all of these species are reported as being cultivated by the Inka and possibly by pre-Inka inhabitants of the valley. A quantitative analysis shows higher amounts of wood in the elite dwellings of both the Wanka II and Wanka III times, suggesting a social aspect in the way this valuable Andean commodity was distributed and used.

Despite the fact that Manus Province is the most geographically isolated province of Papua New Guinea, research shows that the acculturation process, common among minority indigenous groups around the globe, has had detrimental effects on maintaining knowledge and customs. Analysis of ethnobotanical knowledge among the indigenous population of Manus was undertaken in an attempt to compare, contrast, and draw conclusions regarding factors in maintaining indigenous knowledge of the local flora. Four levels of knowledge (plants recognized, identified, identified as useful, and identified as medicinally useful) were used to examine the relationships between knowledge of the local flora and physical, geographical, and social variables of informants. Results showed significant differences in ethnobotanical knowledge based on informant gender, age, cultural subclass, and habitation locality. Low levels of medicinal plant knowledge were found among the Manus due to acculturation, supporting the theory that medicinal plant knowledge is particularly vulnerable to loss.

Most studies of the genus Opuntia have focused on economically important species, and therefore more knowledge concerning the genetic diversity among wild and locally managed Opuntia species is needed for an expanded use of cacti in the future. The present study is part of ongoing ethnobotanical work in the Tehuacán-Cuicatlán Valley of Mexico and focuses on six traditionally classified forms of Opuntia pilifera used as food by the indigenous Popoloca people in San Juan Atzingo. Traditional knowledge of how to distinguish these forms based on fruit flavor, color, size, and number of spines on the fruits and cladodes is preserved in the local community. Genetic fingerprinting with 129 AFLPs did not correlate with this traditional morphological classification of 67 cacti. Yet, these AFLPs distinguished the analyzed 67 Opuntia pilifera cacti easily from the out-group comprising 17 wild Opuntia velutina.

This article describes the market for medicinal plants sold in the Vietnamese town of Sapa as well as in nine different markets in the Vietnamese capital city, Hanoi. A total of 44 medicinal plants were identified botanically, 27 of which are on sale in Sapa and 28 in Hanoi. Most buyers of medicinal plants in Sapa are members of the Vietnamese middle classes who go to Sapa on holidays. Medicinal plants are gathered or cultivated predominantly by members of ethnic minority groups (Hmong and Dao) who live in small hamlets, some located several hours from the town of Sapa. Sapa is one of the poorest districts in Vietnam with a GDP per household of only U.S. $322 in 2005, so the cash that people are able to earn from the sale of medicinal plants is very important. The article argues that the social roles of the weekend market in Sapa are equally important, as the market helps ethnic minorities to fulfil their needs for a social life beyond the village.